Immigrants died in ICE Custody violating their Human and Civil Rights.

The family of a Salvadoran immigrant who died in the Franklin County jail last month while awaiting deportation says they will ask a former chief state medical examiner to give them a second opinion on how she died. The list continue going on and on and No one including myself has brought out an effective and energetic pro active action against ICE, Politicians, and Governments for the continuous deaths of Innocent Human beings.

Louisville attorney Matthew Pippin said the family of of Ana Romero decided last week to seek the opinion of George Nichols II because they are concerned that officials are not aggressively investigating the case. Romero, 44, died Aug. 21, but it’s not yet clear how she died.

The office of Tracey Corey, the current chief state medical examiner, has not released a preliminary cause of death. Kentucky State Police announced last week it is investigating the death as a suicide by hanging.

Nichols said Sunday that he had not received the family’s request yet, but that he routinely reviews cases at the request of families, attorneys and officials. The state police investigation comes after Romero’s family began inquiring about the circumstances surrounding her death. It also comes at a time when, nationwide, scant information is being released about deaths in jails and prisons of people awaiting deportation.

Congress has recently demanded that more details be made public. The New York Times recently reported that at least 71 people scheduled for deportation died in custody from 2004 to May 2008. Advocates say the detainees should have improved health care and suicide prevention measures. Pippin said Franklin County Coroner Will Harrod told him Romero was found Aug. 21 with a sheet around her neck.

Romero’s brother-in-law Mario Aguilar and other family members do not think Romero committed suicide. They want to hire Nichols to conduct a second autopsy if he finds it necessary. Nichols said that often he can make a determination by reviewing the results of the first autopsy.

“The police haven’t asked me or my wife any questions.” Aguilar said Sunday.

Romero, who came to Kentucky from El Salvador three years ago, was arrested on Jan. 14 by state police after giving federal immigration officials a false identification card. Aguilar said officers were looking for another suspect when they knocked on Romero’s door.

As a result of the January charges, Romero spent five months in the Shelby County jail and was transferred to the Franklin County Regional Jail in May, where she stayed the last four months. Romero entered a guilty plea Aug. 7. She was required to pay a $100 fine, but did not receive additional jail time. Family members say shortly before she died, Romero was placed in isolation for refusing to eat. Aguilar said Romero had telephoned several times from the jail saying her stomach hurt and she was vomiting. She said the food smelled bad and that something was wrong with it.

Suicide, the family said, did not appear to be on her mind. Romero did not appear to be depressed and her religious convictions would have prevented her from committing suicide, her family says.

In the days before her death, Romero was not upset about the deportation; she was looking forward to going home to see her elderly mother and two sons. Romero helped support her family by working in Shelbyville cleaning houses, Aguilar said.

“We usually talked to her at least once a day,” he said.

Aguilar said his wife – Romero’s sister Blanca Aguilar –mailed Romero’s clothes and other belongings to San Salvador in preparation for the deportation. “Ana talked to her son recently,” Aguilar recalled. “He said: ‘Everything is waiting for you.’”

Ana told her son, “I’ll be there.”

“She was hoping,” said Aguilar, “that it would only be a few days.”

And the list goes on,and on and in August 7, Edimar Alves Araujo, a Brazilian national residing in Milford, Massachusetts, died while in the custody of US Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents. Araujo, a worker at a gas station and a painter, had been detained and turned over to ICE when Rhode Island police made a traffic stop and discovered Araujo had an open deportation warrant on his record.

Araujo, an epileptic, required medication for the control of his seizures. When he was taken into custody, Araujo’s sister Irene attempted to bring his medication to Woonsocket, Rhode Island, police headquarters, but says officials refused to accept it. Within an hour of his handover to agents of the ICE office in Providence, Araujo began to show signs of distress. He was then taken to Rhode Island Hospital where he died.

Araujo’s death was the third incident in which a detainee died in ICE custody in less than three weeks.

The first incident came on July 20, when Victoria Arellano, a transgender person living with AIDS, died while in the custody of the San Pedro, California, detention center. Her family and fellow detainees say that she was badly neglected in prison, her medication not provided. As Arellano’s health rapidly deteriorated, other detainees did what they could to help, keeping the sick woman cool with towels soaked in water and carrying her to and from the bathroom.

So outrageous were the conditions and so desperate Ms. Arellano’s needs, 80 of her fellow detainees reportedly staged a protest on her behalf shouting “Hospital” until detention center officials took her for treatment. She would die in Little Company of Mary Hospital, shackled to a bed, even though she had been too weak to move, for several days.

The second incident involved Rosa Isela Contreras-Dominguez. She was seven weeks pregnant when she died on August 1 while in custody of the ICE in El Paso, Texas. Contreras suffered from blood clots and had been complaining of pains in her leg. She lost consciousness at the detention facility in El Paso and was then taken to a local hospital, where she died.

The deaths of Arellano, Contreras and Araujo have exposed the horrific and inhumane conditions prevailing in the Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention system.

And this is only the tip of the iceberg. Since 2004, more than 60 detainees have died while in US custody.

Abdoullai Sall died in West Virginia’s Piedmont Regional Jail on December 2, 2006. Sall, who required medication for kidney problems, had complained of inadequate medical care for weeks until he collapsed and died that December morning, a fellow detainee calling 911 on his behalf.

Young Sook Kim died in September 2006. Held at Albuquerque, New Mexico’s Regional Correctional Center, Kim suffered two weeks with stomach problems until she could no longer eat. In spite of pleas from other detainees, she was not sent to a hospital until her eyes turned yellow. By then it was too late.

Maria Filomena Inamagua Merchan was taken into custody on February 24, 2006. Held at St. Paul, Minnesota’s Ramsey County Jail, she often complained of headaches. For treatment, she was given over-the-counter painkillers such as Tylenol. On April 3, she lost consciousness and was finally taken to a hospital, where it was discovered that her brain had been attacked by parasites. Ms. Merchan died 10 days later.

The list, tragically, goes on.

The Immigration and Customs Enforcement agency was established on March 1, 2003, and is the largest investigative branch of the Department of Homeland Security. According to its Fiscal Year 2006 Annual Report, it receives a budget of $4.2 billion annually, with $98 million said to be devoted to the medical needs of detainees. Close to 1 million people have been detained by the ICE since 2004, with a daily average of 27,500 people being held at any given time.

The ICE retains the services of at least 16 detention facilities in the United States, some operated by the agency itself, while others are Contract Detention Facilities run by for-profit companies such as the Corrections Corporation of America, the largest for-profit prison company in the country.

Claiming to take the medical needs of detainees seriously, the ICE has stated in one of several “fact sheets” available on its official web site that “Approximately one quarter of detainees examined at ICE facilities have been identified as having chronic conditions, mostly hypertension or diabetes. Many of these detainees would not have identified their medical ailment or received medical care and treatment were it not for the screening.”

Absurd attempts to portray itself as the health caretaker of the detainees notwithstanding, the ICE has drawn criticism from a number of sources.

The Office of Inspector General for the Department of Homeland Security released a report in December reviewing conditions at five facilities used to hold detainees, including Berks County Prison in Leesport, Pennsylvania; Corrections Corporation of America Facility in San Diego, California; Hudson County Correction Center in Kearny, New Jersey; Krome Service Processing Center in Miami, Florida; and Passaic County Jail in Paterson, New Jersey.

The report, which focused its attention on health care, environmental health and safety, general conditions of confinement and reporting of abuse, found “instances of non-compliance with ICE Detention Standards” at all five facilities. With regards to healthcare specifically, the report identified “instances of non-compliance at four of the five detention facilities, including timely initial and responsive medical care.”

The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), acting on behalf of detainees in the San Diego Correctional Facility, a contract facility operated by Corrections Corporation of America, filed a class-action lawsuit on June 13 naming, among others, Julie L. Myers, assistant secretary of ICE, and John P. Torres, director of the Office of Detention and Removal Operations for ICE, as defendants. The lawsuit cites “grossly deficient” health care and states that the “Defendant’s actions...deny basic human needs, inflict unnecessary pain and suffering, and put plaintiffs at substantial risk of physical injury, illness, and premature death.”

Another report entitled Conditions of Confinement in Immigration Detention Facilities made available on the ACLU web site provides even more details of widespread neglect: “Among the most common complaint from detainees across the country is inadequate access to medical care. Detainees and NGOs [Non-Governmental Organizations] have documented severe and widespread problems with access to chronic and emergency medical care, including long delays prior to medically necessary surgical procedures; unresponsiveness to requests for medical care (often termed ‘sick calls’); and dental extraction-only policies.” (The full report is available as a pdf file here: http://www.aclu.org/pdfs/prison/unsr_briefing_materials.pdf.)

Jorge Bustamante, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Human Rights of Migrants, who had been invited by the US State Department to investigate the US immigrant detention system earlier this year, was denied access to the ICE’s Monmouth Detention Center in New Jersey, as well as its notorious Hutto Detention Center in Texas in which the children of detainees and people seeking asylum are held.

Expressing his disappointment in the lack of access to these facilities and his concerns over secrecy within the immigration system, Bustamante released a statement on May 17, 2007, that stated, “The Special Rapporteur especially noted his concern that there is no centralized system in the United States to obtain information regarding those arrested by immigration officials or where individuals are detained. Families may spend prolonged periods without information as to the whereabouts of detained relatives. Transfers of individuals in custody also may occur without notice to families or attorneys and may result in detention in remote locations, far from families and access to legal support.”

A June 26 article in the New York Times noted that 62 people at that time had died in ICE administrative custody since 2004 and that “no government body is charged with accounting for deaths in immigration detention.” The Department of Homeland Security has resisted efforts by the American Bar Association to turn ICE’s detention standards, adopted by the agency in 2000, into legally enforceable regulations, asserting “that rulemaking would reduce the agency’s flexibility.”

The Times noted that sharp criticism of the system has come from officials at one of the largest detention centers in the country, York County Prison in Pennsylvania. “The Department of Homeland Security has made it difficult, if not impossible, to meet the constitutional requirements of providing adequate health care to inmates that have a serious need for that care,” York County Prison’s warden, Thomas Hogan, wrote in a court affidavit last year.

Far from a case of “bad apples”, or merely a few “instances of non-compliance” within an otherwise well-managed system, a picture has emerged of the ICE as a secretive and sinister network of prisons in clear violation of the most basic human rights. The brutality of the policy is not accidental, but deliberate. The aims are to establish the principle that detainees have no rights and are at the mercy of the authorities and to intimidate and terrorize prospective immigrants, documented or otherwise.

Inspiring story of an Immigrant Honor Student.



Another truly inspirating story about the struggle of the Undocumented Immigrant suffered to reach their American Dream.

The Anti Immigrant Sentiment backlash. The ethnicity change but the target remained the same.




"Many persons who have spoken and written in favor of restriction of immigration, have laid great stress upon the evils to society arising from immigration. They have claimed that disease, pauperism, crime and vice have been greatly increased through the incoming of the immigrants. Perhaps no other phase of the question has aroused so keen feeling, and yet perhaps on no other phase of the question has there been so little accurate information."

These words, written in 1912 by Jeremiah Jenks and W. Jett Lauck, who had been part of the United States Immigration Commission, sound surprisingly contemporary. In 1995, there is a popular argument that immigrants are responsible for many, if not all, of the problems facing our country. This theme has been struck before in US history.

It has arisen now in part because right-wing organizations have promoted immigrants as a group targeted for blame. For example, an organization prominent in this right-wing campaign, the American Immigration Control Foundation (AICF), in a 1992 mailing, lists immigrants as the culprits behind high taxes, wasted welfare dollars, lost jobs, high costs for education, and rising crime. AICF claims that immigrants are driving up health care costs by grabbing free care while also bringing disease into the US. Interestingly, subsequent versions of the same letter, sent out the following year, reduce their claim of 13 million illegal immigrants to 6-8 million, a number still higher than that cited by Time magazine as no more than 5 million. As Jenks and Lauck conclude in the above quote, the debate is still characterized more by angry talk than by facts.

An important ingredient in the success of the right's anti-immigrant campaign is its ability to deflect anger about the negative effects of the current US "economic restructuring" onto the scapegoat of immigrants. This tactic nests within a larger goal of capturing political gain by exploiting a popular issue. This is nothing new, but rather is a practice rooted in a long-standing history of reaction to immigration, nurtured today by a cluster of right-wing political organizations dedicated to this single issue.

The Anti Immigrant sentiment within our History of US Immigration.

It is impossible to understand the current wave of anti-immigrant sentiment without some historical perspective. Indeed, excepting the Native American population, it is often said that the US is a nation of immigrants. Certainly, the role of cheap immigrant labor has been critical in building the US economy.

Immigration has been both voluntary and forced. In early US history, territorial and economic expansion was a magnet for persons fleeing poverty and political repression. There was also forced immigration in the form of the slave trade and the annexation of one half of Mexico by the Treaty of Guadeloupe Hidalgo, signed in 1848, at the end of the Mexican-American War. This, not traditional immigration, is the reason that a significant number of Chicanos in the Southwest live in the US rather than in Mexico.

By the turn of the 19-century, territorial expansion was no longer a major force fueling immigration. The new magnet was the industrial revolution, which was in full swing and in need of labor. Today, as the US is going through another economic shift to a service and information-based economy with global reach, immigration is once again a factor.

The US has historically had a complex reaction to immigration. On the one hand, immigrants have been crucial to US economic progress at certain junctures in our economic development. On the other, there has been considerable hate and anger directed toward immigrants, based on xenophobia, religious prejudice, and fear that immigrants will take jobs from native-born workers. It is revealing to take a brief look at some of this history of immigration as told by Howard Zinn in A People's History of the United States.

In his description of the colonies in the 1700s, Zinn notes that the colonies grew quickly as English settlers and black slaves were joined by Scottish, Irish, and German immigrants. Immigration was causing the larger cities to double and triple in size, but often urban poverty grew apace. "As Boston grew, from 1687 to 1770, the percentage of adult males who were poor . . . .[and who] owned no property, doubled from 14 percent of adult males to 29 percent. And the loss of property meant loss of voting rights." Indeed this often-romanticized period of US history was a time of far harsher immigration conditions than those of today.

Civil War era immigration occurred in an even more hostile environment. The Contract Labor Law of 1864 allowed companies to sign contracts with foreign workers in return for a pledge of 12 months' wages. This allowed employers during the Civil War not only to recruit very cheap labor, but also strikebreakers. Predictably, this resulted in conflict. "Italians were imported into the bituminous coal area around Pittsburgh in 1874 to replace striking miners. This led to the killing of three Italians, to trials in which the jurors of the community exonerated the strikers, and bitter feelings between Italians and other organized workers." It is interesting to note that there was no definition of United States citizenship in the Constitution until the 14th Amendment was added in 1868. A definition was needed, in part to counteract the Dred Scott decision, which held that slaves were not citizens.

At the turn of the century, the immigrant population had changed from largely Irish and German to Eastern and Southern European and Russian, including many Jews. Zinn again describes the impact well, citing the role of immigration of different ethnic groups as contributing to the fragmentation of the working class. He discusses how the previous wave of Irish immigrants resented Jews coming into their neighborhoods. At this time, there was also the added fear that immigrants would bring with them socialist ideas that would undermine the principles of this country.

While nationality, religion, and political ideology were the main basis for resentment of immigrants in urban areas during the first half of the 19-century, race was the issue when Chinese immigrants arrived, brought in to fill a labor gap and then later to work as construction workers on the railroads in the 1860s. Indeed the first anti-immigrant law, passed in California, targeted the Chinese. In 1882, the US passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which was not repealed until 1943. Even then, immigration quotas for Chinese were only raised above 105 per year by the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The late 1800s were difficult for Chinese in the US--the growing trade union movement based part of its organizing strategy on advocating deportation of Chinese immigrants. Race riots on the West coast were the response of angry whites who blamed Chinese for their woes.

In 1917 and again in 1942, the US initiated guest labor programs, commonly known as the Bracero programs, that brought Mexican workers into the Southwest to work as non-citizen farm workers and fill an alleged labor shortage. Up to half a million workers were enrolled in the program at its height. The flow of undocumented Mexicans grew during this time, prompting a government effort to stem the tide by "drying out the wetbacks"--an effort to convert undocumented immigrants into Braceros. When that failed, "Operation Wetback" was launched with the deployment of a military style border patrol. The Bracero programs effectively exposed thousands of poor Mexicans to the wealth of the United States and contributed to immigration pressure. It also displaced Chicanos from rural agricultural jobs, fueling their exodus to urban centers.

The role of racism in anti-immigrant sentiment seemed to have dimmed by the late 1970s, at least according to Lawrence Fuchs, who served for two years as director of the Select Commission on Immigration and Refugee Policy. Commenting on hearings held by his committee in 12 major cities from 1979 through 1980, Fuchs stated that "racism [against immigrants] was not nearly as powerful a force as it once was." Fuchs attributed this decline in anti-immigrant racism to the civil rights movement and an expansion of the spirit of pluralism that it forced. This optimistic reading of US tolerance for ethnic, racial, and religious diversity parallels the optimism of that period.

Intolerance, however, was just below the surface of American politics. The appearance of a hospitable melting pot that had an accepting attitude toward immigrants proved illusory. It took only the arrival of immigrants who were politically unwelcome, such as those fleeing the repression in El Salvador, for government policies of exclusion to become explicit again.

As in the case of El Salvador, immigration has sometimes followed a pattern of growth from parts of the world in which the US is heavily involved militarily or economically. In recent years, immigration has increased from South East Asia and the Central America/Caribbean region. This sometimes results from granting entry for persons fleeing official enemies of the US, such as Cuba or Vietnam, but also draws people from countries allied with the US, such as the Philippines, Hong Kong, or El Salvador. It is likely that as global trade relationships grow through treaties such as NAFTA, the coming period will prompt greater immigration.

Detention facility for immigrant kids sued for violating and abuse their civil and constitutional rights.





Eight immigrant teenagers held at a facility for unaccompanied minors filed a federal lawsuit Thursday claiming they were abused and denied access to attorneys.
The teens from Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador and Cuba were being held at the San Antonio facility run by Houston-based Cornell Companies Inc. under a contract with the U.S. Office of Refugee Resettlement.
Undocumented minors caught by authorities in the United States fall under the care of ORR while their immigration cases are decided.
But Susan Watson, an attorney for Texas Rio Grande Legal Aid, said the teens were beaten and subjected to other excessive force in violation of their constitutional rights.

At least one teen was knocked unconscious, but complaints to facility administrators were ignored, according to the lawsuit.
Officials at Cornell also denied the teens access to attorneys by unnecessarily transferring them to other facilities before scheduled lawyer meetings, the lawsuit alleges.
The suit names Cornell and 15 employees along with three employees of ORR. It does not name ORR itself because the teens have not filed or exhausted their administrative claims against the agency, a requirement that must be fulfilled before the federal government can be sued.
"We vociferously dispute the charges in the lawsuit, and we'll make our case in court," said Cornell spokesman Charles Siegel.
The facility has 122 beds, but Cornell has a contract to house no more than 25 unaccompanied minors there, Seigel said.
Calls to officials at ORR were not immediately returned .
The allegations raised by the immigrant teens were not the first against Cornell.
Arkansas fired Cornell from the operation of a juvenile facility in November 2006 after finding employees inappropriately injected youth with anti-psychotic medication to control behavior.
And in September, Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials removed 600 detainees from an Albuquerque, N.M., facility run by Cornell, citing failure to maintain safety, health and well-being standards there.